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Wartime violence and authoritarian repression against civilians take various forms. Past research has explored the causes and consequences of violence, but no previous work simultaneously assessed the long-term effects of different types of violence on political identities. This paper contends that indiscriminate attacks can reinforce ingroup identity, whereas the role of civilian agency in selective violence may have a detrimental impact. Equipped with original data capturing municipality-level exposure to both selective and indiscriminate violence during the Spanish civil war (1936–1939) in Biscay (Basque Country), this study examines its legacy on voting behavior (1983–2015). Results indicate that fascist airstrikes increased Basque nationalism while selective violence diminished the popularity of Basque parties. Individual and community-level evidence suggests that airstrikes fostered the intergenerational transmission of political attitudes. Violence can boost national identities, but it can also erode them: it depends on the type.

Preventing and mitigating mass atrocities is a critical challenge in international security. But international interventions to stop mass atrocities have met with mixed success, and the academic literature offers limited guidance on how to improve this record. We argue that more attention must be paid to the nature of violence, specifically whether violence targets identity groups as such or political opponents of the perpetrator more broadly. Using Krain's (2017) data on interventions and mass atrocities, we test for heterogeneous effects of interventions by violence type. We find that while antiperpetrator military interventions can reduce the severity of identity-based violence, nonmilitary actions have negligible effects. By contrast, in cases of politicide, "naming and shaming" is effective, while military intervention is not; neutral and properpetrator military interventions and economic sanctions are ineffective regardless of violence type. We conclude that intervention strategies should be more narrowly tailored on the basis of violence type.

Abstract
Preventing and mitigating mass atrocities is a critical challenge in international security. But international interventions to stop mass atrocities have met with mixed success, and the academic literature offers limited guidance on how to improve this record. We argue that more attention must be paid to the nature of violence, specifically whether violence targets identity groups as such or political opponents of the perpetrator more broadly. Using Krain's (2017) data on interventions and mass atrocities, we test for heterogeneous effects of interventions by violence type. We find that while antiperpetrator military interventions can reduce the severity of identity-based violence, nonmilitary actions have negligible effects. By contrast, in cases of politicide, "naming and shaming" is effective, while military intervention is not; neutral and properpetrator military interventions and economic sanctions are ineffective regardless of violence type. We conclude that intervention strategies should be more narrowly tailored on the basis of violence type.

The revival of mercenaries is a phenomenon occurring concomitantly with the African decolonization. From 1960 to the end of the Cold War, mercenaries took part in the development of political and armed violence on the African continent. They are interesting, first of all, because, thanks to these paramilitary actors, we are able to understand the linkages between the numerous actors who contribute to the implementation of an underlying violence of the political life in post-colonial Africa from the 60's to the end of the Cold War. The book aims at highlighting their actions and questioning the modalities of implementing violence in which the mercenaries are just instruments during this period. Who are their sleeping partners? By which means can the "Affreux" act? Those questions imply analysing their links and interactions with global private forces (mining industry, arms traffic), with non-African actors trying to impose their influence, and also with the African powers themselves.

The revival of mercenaries is a phenomenon occurring concomitantly with the African decolonization. From 1960 to the end of the Cold War, mercenaries took part in the development of political and armed violence on the African continent. They are interesting, first of all, because, thanks to these paramilitary actors, we are able to understand the linkages between the numerous actors who contribute to the implementation of an underlying violence of the political life in post-colonial Africa from the 60's to the end of the Cold War. The book aims at highlighting their actions and questioning the modalities of implementing violence in which the mercenaries are just instruments during this period. Who are their sleeping partners? By which means can the "Affreux" act? Those questions imply analysing their links and interactions with global private forces (mining industry, arms traffic), with non-African actors trying to impose their influence, and also with the African powers themselves.

BackgroundOur understanding of the different effects of targeted versus nontargeted violence on Ebola virus (EBOV) transmission in Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is limited.MethodsWe used time-series data of case counts to compare individuals in Ebola-affected health zones in DRC, April 2018-August 2019. Exposure was number of violent events per health zone, categorized into Ebola-targeted or Ebola-untargeted, and into civilian-induced, (para)military/political, or protests. Outcome was estimated daily reproduction number (Rt) by health zone. We fit linear time-series regression to model the relationship.ResultsAverage Rt was 1.06 (95% confidence interval [CI], 1.02-1.11). A mean of 2.92 violent events resulted in cumulative absolute increase in Rt of 0.10 (95% CI, .05-.15). More violent events increased EBOV transmission (P = .03). Considering violent events in the 95th percentile over a 21-day interval and its relative impact on Rt, Ebola-targeted events corresponded to Rt of 1.52 (95% CI, 1.30-1.74), while civilian-induced events corresponded to Rt of 1.43 (95% CI, 1.21-1.35). Untargeted events corresponded to Rt of 1.18 (95% CI, 1.02-1.35); among these, militia/political or ville morte events increased transmission.ConclusionsEbola-targeted violence, primarily driven by civilian-induced events, had the largest impact on EBOV transmission.

BackgroundOur understanding of the different effects of targeted versus nontargeted violence on Ebola virus (EBOV) transmission in Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is limited.MethodsWe used time-series data of case counts to compare individuals in Ebola-affected health zones in DRC, April 2018-August 2019. Exposure was number of violent events per health zone, categorized into Ebola-targeted or Ebola-untargeted, and into civilian-induced, (para)military/political, or protests. Outcome was estimated daily reproduction number (Rt) by health zone. We fit linear time-series regression to model the relationship.ResultsAverage Rt was 1.06 (95% confidence interval [CI], 1.02-1.11). A mean of 2.92 violent events resulted in cumulative absolute increase in Rt of 0.10 (95% CI, .05-.15). More violent events increased EBOV transmission (P = .03). Considering violent events in the 95th percentile over a 21-day interval and its relative impact on Rt, Ebola-targeted events corresponded to Rt of 1.52 (95% CI, 1.30-1.74), while civilian-induced events corresponded to Rt of 1.43 (95% CI, 1.21-1.35). Untargeted events corresponded to Rt of 1.18 (95% CI, 1.02-1.35); among these, militia/political or ville morte events increased transmission.ConclusionsEbola-targeted violence, primarily driven by civilian-induced events, had the largest impact on EBOV transmission.

Actuality of prophylaxis of violence in relations is dictated byhis considerable diplays. To that end the legislative providing is worked out and scientific researches areinitiated. The overhaul of problem provides for specific going near violence in domestic relations, as each of them has thesigns. Physical, economic, psychological, sexual violencehas different degree of display in domestic relations, causesand effects. Methodological approach that is based on the optimalselection of respondents, and the analysis of judgements ofyoung pairs to the types of violence on the basis of theconducted questionnaire testifies to the general tendenciesin attitude of young people toward this phenomenon inrelations. Drawn conclusion in relation to the necessity ofrealization of prophylaxis of displays of violence touch all hiskinds, however by a different measure. Basic features and conformities to law of display of specificvariety give an opportunity to prevent violence. It envisagesthe construction of future longrange researches, that touchexpression of violence depending on sex, age, time ofgeneral residence of young family. ; Актуальність профілактики насильства у стосунках диктується значними його проявами. З метою профілактики розроблено законодавче забезпечення та ініціюються наукові дослідження. Детальний огляд проблеми передбачає розгляд видових характеристик до насильства у сімейних стосунках, оскільки кожен із них має свої ознаки. Фізичне, економічне, психологічне, сексуальне насильство має різні ступінь прояву в сімейних стосунках, причини і наслідки. Методологічний підхід, що базується на оптимальній вибірці респондентів, та аналіз суджень молодих пар щодо видів насильства на основі проведеного анкетування свідчить про загальні тенденції в ставленні молоді до цього явища у сімейних стосунках. Зроблені висновки щодо необхідності здійснення профілактики проявів насильства стосуються всіх його видів, проте неоднаковою мірою через різну ступінь вираження. Основні особливості та закономірності прояву видового різноманіття насильства у сімейних стосунках дають змогу запобігати насильству. Це і передбачає побудову майбутніх перспективних досліджень, що стосуються вираження насильства залежно від статі, віку, часу спільного проживання молодої пари.

This article presents the research results of various types of violence against female providing sexual services for a fee, highlights the main source of this violence and vulnerabilities of women to HIV infection, and infections that are sexually transmitted.